Why The Right Is Extinct; and Why Revisionism Is Needed (Part 1)

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Recently its become increasingly clear to me that even within the confines of the tiny ideological ghettos of ''right wing'' thought and discourse that there exists an unwillingness, largely couched in morality and stubborn pragmatism, to acknowledge the absolute pre-eminence of Liberal values as the source of the current cultural malaise and distortion that has infected not just the White, Western world but essentially every social and cultural environment that is in anyway touched and concerned by American political ambition and power activity. This contemporary worldview is so monolithic that it cannot be escaped, even by people who assign themselves the role of rallying drummers against ''liberalism'' or ''modernity'' and who hold themselves out to their would-be followers as paladins of the 'right wing'. The reasons for this are myriad, and in many respects the question is too complicated for ordinary men, such as myself, to properly understand, appreciate, and ultimately extricate from their own prejudices. However, ordinary people can discern the existence of an obelisk in the proverbial desert - even if their intimate proximity to it precludes the observation of its shape, depth, and totality from a full vantage point.

The German Jewish conservative thinker, Paul Gottfried, a man in the tradition of Karl Lowith and Leo Strauss in many respects, discerned history and historical values as a process characterized essentially by strife - he went as far as to describe the origin and development of political ideas as genetic. He was not referring to ''genetics'' in the naturalist sense, but rather as a course of social and intellectual development that originates through dialectics and cultural (and actual) combat - by which irreconcilable passions, beliefs, ways of life, morals, commitments and ideas through the bearers of these ideas set about to destroy one another in order to guarantee the pre-eminence of the principles that animate them to action. The end result of this process, absent the total victory of one side over the other, being the synthesis of what was once absolute antagonisms into a permanent stasis of compromise.

For our purposes, briefly and incompletely explained, the great spiritual crisis of the modern age is remote. We only experienced the very end of the last great ideological struggle of human societies in terms of a dull awareness of a possible apocolyptic scenario between ''freedom'' and authoritarian socialism - which did not directly influence our development or early lives other than in a vague and penumbric way. The world we were born into and all of its social, political, and cultural institutions accepted zealously the truth of the Enlightenment perspective and its new theologies about the sovereign dominion of the idiosyncracies of individual men, their peculiar psychological tastes and preferences, their personal aspirations; this perspective valorized hedonistic interests and supplanted higher values with personal preferences and the desire to experience pleasure in mortal life - eschewed of any metaphysical significance save for a restrictive caveat that no man's impulses should interfere with the expression of another man's exploration and ultimate fulfillment of his own analagous impulses.

The great Joseph De Maistre, a hero of the White, Western races, diagnosed the origin of this revolt against God, authority, and racial patriotism in his brilliant critiques of the philosophes - in the course of which he identified the source of diseased modernist thinking. Beginning with Bacon, the culture distortion of the new ''philosophers'' couched itself in the cloak of reason. It presented itself as benign and noble; it deceived men completely with the promise of telluric utopia and salvation on Earth, as the standard bearers of Lucifer, infected with the hubris offered by the fallen prince/enemy of God as they always are. The Devil's minions, raising the banner of the ''new theology'' premised their revolutionary political ideas on the psychology of man, on contractual relationships between monadic individual men, which they purported could be developed and implemented independent of any study of society as it existed or any that had existed. Their model of human life, social and political, was thus entirely irrelevant to man - and was in fact entirely hostile to man and life. It was a miasma of ideal models, premised on a rudderless 'morality' - that was entirely divorced form actual human life.

Through this malevolent subversion, society - along with the concomitant belief in God - became a mere artifact of the individual, framed by his personal hubris and baser desires. This belief was most fully expressed in the Satanic terror of the Jacobin era; during which political theory and morality was dominated by the idea of a 'social contract' and of 'human rights' held by individual men completely independently of the government and society. No mode of authority, of habit, of tradition, of order was safe from the punitive scrutiny of the purportedly sovereign individual, who was enshrined with the God-like power to shatter the natural order if it did not suit his personal tastes and preferences. As De Maistre adroitly explained, ''[The Philosophers] detest without exception every distinction they do not enjoy; they find fault in every authority; they hate everything above them...[they could agree upon only one thing] the fury of destruction''. But in their rage, they would not, and could not, conceive of how to re-establish order and dominion over the destroyed Earth that they had burned to ashes.

Natural justice accrued, of course, when the Jacobins, unwilling to accept the Fall of Man as rendering humans worthy of punishment, suffered the fruits of their Satanic revolt against the natural order in an orgy of bloodletting and rapine. Pure ''reason'' was proved once again to be an impossible basis for political life. Reason is not Man's essence. As De Maiste, echoing Edmund Burke, pointed out, ''Art is man's nature'' - including, but not limited too, the beautiful and agonistic tension between hatred and love.
President Camacho

Part II

When the dust settled in post-Jacobin France, and the corrective mechanism of total war had completed its cyclical development, the ''laboratory logic'', as Francis Parker Yockey described the post-Revolutionary idea of statecraft, remained like a vestigial tumor in a body ravaged by a cancerous condition that had been extricated. The monumental idea of Jacobinism had irreparably severed the relationship between God and natural order from the conceptual basis of authority. The new basis of political order was premised on a moral claim about the mass of humans constituting a 'nation'. This 'new nation' was premised on a seemingly irresistibly alluring concept of an idea of 'liberty' that encompassed all individuals, shorn of any distance between themselves and others - no clergy, no monarch, no nobility, no group raised above another by virtue of its essential nature or its function or its valor or its ability to act as a culture-bearing stratum of the national or racial idea. If the nation is nothing more than a categorically human mass, there can be no stratification. This concept was animated and expressed in political reality through a call to class war, democratic Revolution, natural ''rights'' inherent to humans, feminism, and a disdain for the polarity and tension generated by divinely authored human differences. Rationalism was the progenitor of these ideas and values, but it was also, as Spengler suggested, symptomatic of the destructive turn from 'culture' to 'civilization' - a process by which faith in natural mysteries of life and the belief in a complimentary and structured order between different human associations is discredited.

It was in the years following Napoleon's meteoric ascendancy and crushing defeat that ''nation'' as a concept became degraded to the status of a purely political concept - in lieu of an idea that was given life by the inner experience of loyalty, honor, suprapersonal commitment to a cultural form. Historically in the White world, the foreigner was not liked, but nor was the idea of ''nationality'' a purely territorial or political evaluation. German warriors like Froberger and Englishmen like John Hawkwood led foreign mercenaries in the Italian wars of succession, Fredrick II was both Italian and German, culturally speaking, and found no contradiction in being allied with both nations as a matter of politics. Cromwell's army absorbed the several tribes of Britain; bound together by an idea of culture (couched in radical Christian piety) that was indisputably animated by a White, Western, and Christian orientation towards common sources of culture and theology. Dynastic and theological politics, in other words, cut across territorial nations - just as the mass-politics of ''nationalism'' uprooted the basis of dynastic and theological loyalties. So pronounced was this change in the European political landscape that nationalism, as of 1815, was viewed by thoughtful men of the Right as Communism was a century later - a conduit of radical destruction of the social order.
That's the rub. We have uprooted ourselves in our vain haste to abandon the irrational, and now find ourselves floating in space. We have become free atoms. How do we re-attach ourselves? How do we make things solid again? In the words of Heidegger, 'only a god can save us'.

But our tepid conservatives are incapable of believing in the old gods, nor do they possess the vitality to invent new ones; they have essentially adapted to life as atoms, even finding it comfortable. They are little more than a slight drag on rationalist dissolution. Conservatism is useless. The only way forward is the way back.

As Shatov put it in Dostoevsky's Demons :


Part III

The tension between the fervent coalescence of nationalism within the European mind and the White man's conceptually theological idea of ''patriotism'' or loyalty and service to a suprapersonal and extraterritorial cultural idea was most vigorously expressed in German political life in the 19th and early 20th centuries. It was in these territories that, through the praxis of incessant warring in both the East and the West, the remarkably eugenic breeding habits of the bourgoisie class - not deracinated and uprooted by personal ambition divorced from political and cultural life as was the case in England, that the 'national idea' could coexist with loyalty to the Western idea of culture and racial patriotism. Spengler, first among conservative European patriots, discovered a formula by which the brilliant creative energies of the middle class could be marshaled in the service of perennial European world-hegemony. In his own words, ''Here one courageously draws the consequences. Let's chance it that the nobility completely disappears from the diplomatic ranks. One lets in here only people who have put themselves to the test [of patriotism]...We will get besides the nobility [in the ranks of the national army] a class of highly intelligent bourgeois officers, people like our engineers and industrialists among whom organizational and technical ability guarantee rapid advancement...But I see also the time drawing near when other positions of great responsibility, in government, the organization of commerce, industry, transportation, colonies, will be filled not any more by privy counselors but by self made men.''

In Spenger's prescient brilliance, we detect, without ambiguity, an esteem for the flexibility of the English in implementing prudent structural reforms to guarantee the survival of their empire and the continued dominance of its global dominions, as well as an appreciation for the grave moral shortcomings of the Anglo-Saxon mind in eschewing the patriotic idea in crafting democracy. The English government, in other words, retained a strict form but did so at the expense of the racial idea - an idea which could also be guarded and implemented by an enlightened Caesarism if and when the crisis of post-Enlightenment modernity came to collide with the new technological and economic way of high politics that was being revealed after 1815.


Part IV

Spengler's belief in the rise of the absolute executive, in congress with the people as the source of his mandate, was to be viewed both as a monstrous prediction by the conservative elites in Germany, as well as a potential instrumentality of political and cultural palingenesis. Spengler's ambiguous sentiments on the topic were expressed eloquently, if somewhat cryptically, in a letter he penned in November, 1917:

Spengler recognized, in essence, that the invidious tendencies of Enlightenment modernity, in terms of formal organization and the exercise of power, were inherently immutible - and thus it was futile to agitate in favor of the dismantling of the national state. What was ever-present in the German political horizon of the era however was an appreciation of the crisis afoot in the Western, White culture and how the crisis could be remedied through modern state structures subjugated to the service of the racial-cultural idea. It was this calculation, driven by a Hegelian understanding of the process of history, by which the German intelligensia, that motivated the 'new Conservatives' of Germany to renounce a return to the purely monarchical order of the ancien regime. The democratization of Wilhelmine Germany was, in their estimation, a deterioration towards cultural and political decadence, however, it could be managed towards generative purposes; in no small part because the looming reforms would assuage the violent ambitions of the working classes and preclude the deracination of the commercially oriented middle class by thoroughly inculcating them with a new faith in the racial/cultural idea as well as positioning patriotic commitment as the pre-requisite to entry into national life by the 'new men' of government.

Part V

The clarion call in favor of [patriotic] Ethical Socialism was sounded, practically, amidst the traumatic disturbance of Germany's defeat in the Great War; waged initially by the German state and the Hapsburg Empire, to defend against burgeoning Russian hegemony in Hapsburg dominions as well as to create circumstances of parity with the still great, but floundering, British Empire. The dyad of conflict was, however, fundamentally altered by the intervention of America - a massive military effort to upset the natural balance of power in Europe, motivated by a destructive and stupid belief in a future condominium of ''world democracy'' in opposition to European/White patriotism and the Western cultural idea.

What began as an expression of the fundamental conflict between the White/Western civilization and the largely barbarous 'outsider' civilization to the East became a fundamentally fratricidal ''nationalist'' contest between Germany and the United Kingdom, driven in large part by anxieties about the ascendancy of the German 'nation'.

To briefly discuss the actual significance of the Great War, as opposed to the superficial evaluation of the catastrophe as a mere 'national contest' between belligerents; after the victory of the United Kingdom over White yeomen in the Second Boer War in 1901, and the concomitant victory of a coalition of Western powers in crushing the Boxer Rebellion, the entire planet save for a handful of territories (Siam, Japan, Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, Liberia, Abyssinia, Mexico and Haiti), was directly ruled by the West. In China and Dar Al Islam, White peoples were exempt from local jurisdiction and were availed only to the courts and laws of their own national representatives. The conduct of the entire colored world towards the White man was deferential - there was an underlying passive acceptance of the colored world that the white world was the master of the Earth. This was exemplified most splendidly, as Lothrop Stoddard and Francis Parker Yockey both noted, in India - where a mere 100,000 man strong garrison of the British Army was able to handily manage a population of 350,000,000 natives.

With this great achievement came great responsibility and ultimately great comity between the White, Western peoples. Paul Kruger (Trekboer warrior of some folkloric distinction) for example refused to arm and field Negro troops against the English despite being disadvantaged by crippling odds. There was an understanding between White men that no matter how severe the stakes of political conflict, there must remain a condominium between the White nations to guard their supremacy over the Earth and to guarantee the posterity of our great wealth for future generations.

This amity between Western nations was shattered in 1914, as the capitalist age came to a close and great power rivalry could no longer be staved off through the provision of colonial spoils. Werner Sombart had predicted this turn of events. As England's guiding political idea (capitalism, liberty, individual reason) became creatively exhausted and Germany's progressive and superpersonal ethical socialism gained spiritual momentum, a crisis between the two states became largely inevitable. The Great War resulted in a draw between the UK and Germany that was upended by the senseless intervention of America, stuporously agitated by Wilsonian 'globalsim' and anti-Hapsburg sectarian bigotry - but the consequences of the war were far graver than a mere upset of the balance of the European power condominium. Russia had cast off and murdered its authentically European ruling caste, and had implemented a doctrine of violent revolt, and ultimate overthrow of the White world. It had become, in essence, a monstrous conduit for colored revolt against the West. The sovereign power that had resided exclusively in Europe prior to the War had been steadily transferred to Russia, Japan, America. As the war had bled on, Europe itself as a civilizational form had been losing.


Part VI

Amidst the colored revolt, the destruction of the burgeoning racial/patriotic restructuring of the democratic state - dismantled in its infancy by the Anglo/American and French alliance; in the former case due to ideological zealousness in favor of a 'world democracy' devoid of patriotic impulses and authentically White/Western political modalities and in the case of the latter a cynically nationalist hostility to Germany's ambition to consolidate its modern fortunes into a new European order amidst the looming colored revolt and fractious rumors (and after 1917 clear and present dangers) of uninhibited class war - the crisis within the White world between the noble and life-affirming instinct towards Western rebirth and the vulgar, Satanically inspired, drive for the satisfaction of the Enlightenment prospect of telluric utopia, animated by the great power of Western technics and the concomitant ability, increasingly revealed, to utilize technics to destroy the natural order and its attendant hierarchies was most intensely experienced in the fledging Weimar Republic.

In the wake of this series of catastrophes, a hero emerged in the man of Adolf Hitler - a common enlisted man, from the periphery of the Germanic world, who was able through an unrefined lens of historical intuition, absorb the grand ambition towards a democratic mode of politics, expressed as a militant socialist regime - fully extricated from Marxism and animated by racial patriotism, and implement a constructive rebirth of the European idea; an idea which had been mortally jeopardized since 1789 and which was then presently being menaced with absolute oblivion both by the tensions that were and are structurally enshrined within democracy as well as by the Communist revolt against the White world - which was gaining extraordinary momentum by the mere existence of the monumental presence of the Soviet Union.


Part VII

As the era of 'absolute politics' emerged after 1918, concomitant with the arrival of the absolute state, the modern historical fracturing of the racial/patriotic idea, the ascendancy of Jews, the traditional enemy of the European idea, and the arrival of superpowers such as the United States and the Soviet Union, there came to pass a monumental idea of politics entirely extricated from patriotism, theology, culture, and suprapersonal motivations. This tendency was easily manipulated by anti-White/Western/European elements in Russia to embolden the colored world to destroy the traces of race, of hierarchy, of social morality, of religion, of distinction in all of its manifestations in human societies for the dual purpose of annihilating patriotic White and European political orientations from the consciousness of democratic societies while simultaneously augmenting the power of the Jewish race in purely political terms through the adroit manipulation of passionate philosophies discerned as indigenous to White and European modes of life and social order. In America, an alliance between an increasingly deracinated Protestant elite, zealously committed to an extraterritorial and anti-patriotic form of ''spirituality'' cloaked in a contradictory synthesis of rationalism and purportedly Christian morals, and an emboldened Jewish political culture populated by men, uniquely intuitive about historical developments, who correctly viewed the then contemporary circumstance as an opportunity to once and finally destroy the race/culture that had frustrated their political ambition during the millenium since the White man had received, by Providential event, the elevated morality of Christ.

What began as another fratricidal and ''nationalistic'' war between two European powers; one declining (the United Kingdom) and one ascendant (Germany) soon became a catalyst for a Jewish war against the European/White/Western idea; motivated by the emergence of the new and radically racially exclusive political form of Ethical (National) Socialism in Europe.



As the German-British war was fought to a standstill, in the aftermath of the German leadership affording their British enemy a permissive retreat from the battlefield at Dunkirk, congruous with the scrupulous observance of Westphalian mores, the racially patriotic Europeans rallied to order around Hitler and prepared to destroy the alien enemy to the East, and in doing so to destroy the idea of Bolshevism and guard the victory of the White/Western/Patriotic idea so that it might survive and flourish for another millenium. As these tensions ossified on the eve of total war, so did a hardness of heart develop in America towards the new White/European patriotism. For the first time, political anti-semitism had become as total as political semitism and the American war planners, inundated for ethically complex reasons with sympathy for the Jewish/alien element that had captured much of the political apparatus in the New World after 1933, became increasingly willing to entertain the idea of destroying the Western world in order to preserve the Jewish world of social and political existence and afford the true Enemy of Europe a haven in the halcyonic and rationalist ''pluralistic state.'' It was on these terms that, when war came to pass between the Europeans and the Bolsheviks, the United States initiated a complete breach with the Aryan doctrine of Westphalian war and peace, with the senseless notion of ''unconditional surrender''.

This was an entirely perverse development as, which the great jurist Carl Schmitt observed, the Western/White/Patriotic view of military contests within the context of intra-racial and cultural hostilities, was - with a single catastrophic exception from 1618-48 - limited by ethical considerations; largely inspired by the learned wisdom of the ancient Greeks who distinguished between agon between racial fellows and unbridled hostility between Greeks and those outside of their cultural form. It is in this way that it becomes clear beyond a reasonable doubt that the American war effort, and its refusal to entertain the possibility of racial patriotism precluding its initiation with an eye for total annihilation of the European culture, was framed by the ambitions and hostilities of racial aliens against the White world.


Part IX

As the war against the Bolshevik enemy continued, the Europeans became hardened against their alien enemy in a personal capacity. This was not an admirable development but it can be apprehended in the context of mortal terror. The grand project of the Bolsheviks, as has already been addressed, was the eradication of the European form of life, of its theologies, its hierarchies, its world of social existence, its creative institutions, its nobility, and its racial exclusivity. It was a world-destroying ideology, buttressed by the radicalism of racial aliens who shared in substantial portion the great human and natural and military-materiel resources of a vast central Asian empire. Its world-destroying potentiality was not merely confined to the realm of monumental ideas, although the power of such things cannot be overstated in times of historical crisis, but it also was demonstrably megacidal. The Communists were annihilating entire classes of humans who were discerned to be tainted by their European racial pedigree (nobles), their commitment to suprapersonal religiosity in Christ (clergymen and their pious flocks), peasants whom, though ignorant, were principled towards racial patriotism, and men who refused simply to capitulate entirely to the destructive and terrible monolith of Communism.

Even decades before the advent of formal hostilities between the Europeans and the Communists, Patriotic elements, notables such as Max Schubner-Richter, who had been immersed in the horrors of mass-homicide in oriental theaters and witness to the early socialist revolts of the Baltic were not immune to the deep mortal terror delivered by Bolshevism.

Ernst Nolte, the pre-eminent German historian of the Second European War, described the phenomenon thusly: