An inner enemy is more dangerous than an outer one, because while he seems to belong, he is actually a kind of alien. An inner enemy is dangerous in two respects: first because of his own activity, and second, because of his usefulness to the outer enemy. . . . After the War, the American occupation of Europe and the despoliation of Europe were made possible only by the Michel-stratum , which hired itself out to the enemy to establish vassal-governments, churchill-regimes, in every province of Europe. During this period between the Second and Third World Wars, the Michel as an American agent is more dangerous than he would otherwise be himself. The reason for this is the advance of History since the 19th century has rendered his whole world-outlook completely useless to him, even for purposes of sabotage, while to the Americans it is still useful as a means of control over Europe. Thus the Culture-diseases of Culture-retardation remains in the body of Europe only because of the American occupation. — Francis Parker Yockey
Václav Havel, the last president of Czechoslovakia and first president of the Czech Republic, died on December 18, 2011. His eulogies reveal him to be an excellent specimen for the study of the role of the “inner enemy” in the process of cultural pathology. In Havel we have a particularly devolved example of the Michel element that worked for the spiritual, political, cultural, and economic subjugation of the Western Cultural organism by the forces of cultural parasitism, distortion, and retardation. Indeed, the cultural pathologist can place him in the genus michelus along with such contemporaries such as Boris Yeltsin, Lech Wałęsa, and Mikhail Gorbachev.
The most apparent symptoms in identifying an apparently normal human as a member of genus michelus are the accolades received from media pundits and political and plutocratic luminaries, and in particular those directly from the organs of the Culture-Distorter. In this instance, like the much-lauded Gorbachev, Havel receives his acclaim for the role he played in dismantling the Soviet bloc.
That the collapse of the Warsaw Pact was greeted with such acclaim and is remembered as “inspirational” by the Right, from nazis to conservatives, is an indication of the banality of much of the “Right,” which remains oblivious to the Soviet bloc having been the only major force of conservatism in the world, and to the USA being the global harbinger of decay. This American role was recognized not only by Yockey, but also — approvingly — by Trotskyites, many of whom became avid Cold Warriors, and by necon strategists such as Ralph Peters.
Given that the Warsaw Pact was the only geopolitical entity that constrained American global hegemony, Havel’s contribution to its demise is lauded as a great victory for “democracy” and “freedom.” However, those are words that are used by many regimes and systems, no matter what their character, and have been euphemisms since the time of Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points for post-war international reconstruction in the image desired by the US for the subordination of all nations, peoples, and cultures to everything that is conjured by the word “America.”
Havel is said to have been an idealistic opponent of the consumerist ethic, yet what is one to think of an individual who allowed himself to be mentored and patronized by the likes of George Soros and flitted about among the luminaries of plutocracy? Solzhenitsyn did not allow himself to be used in such a manner by the forces of Culture Distortion nor did he succumb to their blandishments. Solzhenitsyn was a mystic, Havel, as will be shown, a seedy Zionist purveyor of cultural syphilis.
Havel’s critique of “The West,” like Solzhenitsyn’s was perceptive, stating: “There is no need at all for different people, religions and cultures to adapt or conform to one another. . . . I think we help one another best if we make no pretenses, remain ourselves, and simply respect and honor one another, just as we are.”
Here was a cultural icon who obviously knew the processes of leveling that were taking place in the world, but who was nonetheless willing to let himself be used in their service, for the sake of nebulous sales pitches like “democracy” and “human rights.” Like the much lauded Gorbachev, Havel became an icon of manufactured dissent in the interests of international capital that pulls the strings behind the façade of “democracy,” and, as will be seen, of the Culture Distorters who had long been fearful of the directions being taken by the descendants of the Black Hundreds, and worried that the Warsaw Pact constituted a new Axis of the type predicted by Yockey in his final essay “The World In Flames.”
The “velvet revolutions” that were instigated, funded, and planned by the Soros network, National Endowment for Democracy, Freedom House, and dozens of others, were a prelude to the same types of revolt that continue to be inflicted upon the former Soviet bloc states and that are taking place under the mantle of the “Arab Spring.”
The collapse of Czechoslovakia as part of the implosion of the Soviet bloc provides a special example of the role of Culture-Distortion. Other than Culture pathologists such as Yockey, the Soviet leadership following the ouster of Trotsky and the Old Bolsheviks, were fully aware of the destructive nature of cultural nihilism. Ironically, the Soviet bloc stood as the only significant bulwark against what Hitler had termed “cultural Bolshevism.” While Yockey’s theory of Culture Pathology shows that the presence of a foreign body in the cultural organism spontaneously creates the phenomena of Culture-distortion, Culture-retardation, and Culture-parasitism; these symptoms can also be consciously pressed into the service of politics.
Kulturkampf is a major part of the world offensives of both plutocracy and Zionism to the extent that at the very beginnings of the Cold War the CIA recruited sundry disaffected anti-Soviet socialists, and in particular Trotskyites, into the Congress for Cultural Freedom to try and subvert the Soviet bloc and impose “American” values over the world in the name of “freedom of artistic expression.” Their favored mediums were Abstract Expressionism and jazz. The Congress was established under the figurehead of Professor Sidney Hook, a “lifelong Menshevik” who had organized a committee for the defense of Leon Trotsky at the time of the Moscow Trials, and a recipient of the Congressional Medal of Freedom from Ronald Reagan. Other Congress luminaries included Bertrand Russell, the pacifist CND guru who had sought a pre-emptive nuclear strike against the USSR in the interests of “peace.” The Congress promoted the type of art that had been exposed as subversive “rootless cosmopolitanism” by Stalin, et al ., who correctly perceived it as part of a political offensive.
The program of Kulturkampf against the Soviet bloc can be traced to Trotsky, always a very handy tool for international finance. In 1938 André Breton, Mexican communist muralist Diego Rivera, and Leon Trotsky issued a manifesto entitled Towards a Free Revolutionary Art.  The manifesto was published in the Autumn 1938 issue of The Partisan Review , a magazine that was of significance in the Cold War-Trotskyite offensive. Trotsky, according to Breton, had actually written the Manifesto, which states:
Insofar as it originates with an individual, insofar as it brings into play subjective talents to create something which brings about an objective enriching of culture, any philosophical, sociological, scientific, or artistic discovery seems to be the fruit of a precious chance , that is to say, the manifestation, more or less spontaneous, of necessity . . . . Specifically, we cannot remain indifferent to the intellectual conditions under which creative activity takes place, nor should we fail to pay all respect to those particular laws that govern intellectual creation.
In the contemporary world we must recognize the ever more widespread destruction of those conditions under which intellectual creation is possible. . . . The regime of Hitler, now that it has rid Germany of all those artists whose work expressed the slightest sympathy for liberty, however superficial, has reduced those who still consent to take up pen or brush to the status of domestic servants of the regime. . . . If reports may be believed, it is the same in the Soviet Union. . . . True art, which is not content to play variations on ready-made models but rather insists on expressing the inner needs of man and of mankind in its time — true art is unable not to be revolutionary, not to aspire to a complete and radical reconstruction of society. . . . We recognize that only the social revolution can sweep clean the path for a new culture. If, however, we reject all solidarity with the bureaucracy now in control of the Soviet Union it is precisely because, in our eyes, it represents, not communism, but its most treacherous and dangerous enemy. . . .
Given that the manifesto was published in The Partisan Review , which was later to receive subsidies from the CIA and the tax-exempt foundations as party to what became the “Cultural Cold War,” this Trotskyist art manifesto served as the basis for the art policy that was adopted after World War II by the CIA and the globalists as part of the Cold War offensive. Trotsky wrote Towards a Free Revolutionary Art as a call for mobilization by artists throughout the world, to oppose on the cultural front Fascism and Stalinism, which to many Leftists and communists were synonymous:
We know very well that thousands on thousands of isolated thinkers and artists are today scattered throughout the world, their voices drowned out by the loud choruses of well-disciplined liars. Hundreds of small local magazines are trying to gather youthful forces about them, seeking new paths and not subsidies. Every progressive tendency in art is destroyed by fascism as “degenerate.” Every free creation is called “fascist” by the Stalinists. Independent revolutionary art must now gather its forces for the struggle
against reactionary persecution.
The Stalinists responded with a vigorous call not only to “Soviet patriotism” but also to the cultural legacy of the Russian people. If one were looking for a Marxist articulation of cultural theory, it would more likely be found coming from the official and semi-official agencies of the USA, rather than those of the Soviet bloc.
In 1949 a major article in the organ of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik party, Chernov condemned the infiltration of cosmopolitanism into Soviet arts, sciences, and history. The article stands as a counter-manifesto not only to the Trotskyites and the “cultural Cold War” of the time, but also as an enduring repudiation of modernism and rootless cosmopolitanism as it continues to manifest in the present age of chaos.
Chernov began by referring to articles appearing in Pravda and Kultura i Zhizn (“Culture and Life”), which “unmasked an unpatriotic group of theatre critics, of rootless cosmopolitans, who came out against Soviet patriotism, against the great cultural achievements of the Russian people and of other peoples in our country.” Chernov described this coterie as “rootless cosmopolitans” and “propagandists for decadent bourgeois culture,” while they were “defaming “Soviet culture.” The culture of the “West” is described as “emaciated and decayed,” a description with which any Spenglerian would concur.
The “Soviet culture” referred to by Chernov is the classic “great culture of the Russian people” and should not be mistaken as a reference to the “communist culture” of the mass and crass propaganda spectacles of Maoist China. By 1949 the highest Soviet authority, whose views Chernov must have been conveying, had perceived that the USSR was the target of broad-ranging cultural subversion: “Harmful and corrupting petty ideas of bourgeois
cosmopolitanism were also carried over into the realms of Soviet literature, Soviet film, graphic arts, in the area of philosophy, history, economic and juridical law and so forth.”
It seems that these “rootless cosmopolitans” were stupid enough to believe that they were in a State that was still pursuing Marxian ideas, despite the clear message that had been given during the Moscow Trials a decade previously, along with the virtual extinction of the “Old Bolsheviks.” One, comrade Subotsky had, as presumably a good Marxist, sought to undermine the concept of nationality and repudiate the idea of the heroic ethos that had become an essential ingredient of Soviet life and doctrine, especially since the “Great Patriotic War.” Hence Chernov wrote damningly of this “rootless cosmopolitan” whose views on culture seem suspiciously Trotskyite:
The rootless-cosmopolitan Subotsky tried with all his might to exterminate all nationality from Soviet literature. Foaming at the mouth this cosmopolitan propagandist hurls epithets towards those Soviet writers, who want “on the outside, in language, in details of character a positive hero to express his belonging to this or that nationality.”
Chernov continued: “These cosmopolitan goals of Subotsky are directed against Soviet patriotism and against Party policy, which always has attached great significance to the national qualities and national traditions of peoples.” Chernov then described an “antipatriotic group” promoting “national nihilism” in theater criticism, this concept being “a manifestation of the antipatriotic ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism, disrespect for the national pride and the national dignity of peoples.”
Chernov identified “rootless cosmopolitism” as part of a specific foreign agenda, which was certainly formalized that year – 1949 – with the founding of the Congress for Cultural Freedom:
In the calculation of our foreign enemies they should divert Soviet literature and culture and Soviet science from the service of the Socialist cause. They try to infect Soviet literature, science, and art with all kinds of putrid influences, to weaken in such a way these powerful linchpins of the political training of the people, the education of the Soviet people in the spirit of active service to the socialist fatherland, to communist construction.
The most poisonous ideological weapon of the hostile capitalist encirclement is bourgeois cosmopolitanism. Consisting in part of cringing before foreign things and servility before bourgeois culture, rootless-cosmopolitanism produces special dangers, because cosmopolitanism is the ideological banner of militant international reaction, the ideal weapon in its hands for the struggle against socialism and democracy. Therefore the struggle with the ideology of cosmopolitanism, its total and definitive unmasking and overcoming acquires in the present time particular acuity and urgency.
At the foundation of this “rootless cosmopolitanism” is the spirit of money. the worship of Mammon , and Chernov’s description is again prescient of the present nature of international capital:
The bourgeoisie preaches the principle that money does not have a homeland, and that, wherever one can “make money,” wherever one may “have a profitable business,” there is his homeland. Here is the villainy that bourgeois cosmopolitanism is called on to conceal, to disguise, “to ennoble” the antipatriotic ideology of the rootless bourgeois-businessman, the huckster and the traveling salesman.